Syrian Background of Slavic Christianity

Происхождение «русской» Есфири: еврейский → греческий эпохи эллинизма → сирийский → славянский
The Origin of the "Russian" Esther: Hebrew --> Hellenistic Greek --> Syriac --> Slavonic ...more▼
;> Syriac –> Slavonic The earliest Slavonic Esther is a translation of a Second Temple Jewish (otherwise unknown) recension written in Greek. There was a Syriac translation between the Greek and the Slavonic. (a paper in English is forthcoming but it will be somewhat different).
Почему славянский Енох оказался в Нубии
краткое изложение моих представлений о том, откуда взялись две редакции славянского Енох ...more▼
а, и как одну из них занесло в Нубию. подробная статья на ту же тему (на английском) — в печати. надеюсь, относительно скоро выйдет.
THE SLAVONIC APOCALYPSE THE TWELVE DREAMS OF SHAHAISHA: An Iranian Syriac Reworking of a Second Temple Jewish Legend on Jambres
A Study of an apocalyptic work known in Slavonic only. The most important conclusions ...more▼
e the following: 1. The available Slavonic work The Twelve Dreams of Shahaisha originated in the Old Bulgarian literature . 2. It was translated directly from Syriac. 3. The Syriac Christian archetype was produced in Iran, within the wide stream of the apocalyptic literature in Syriac provoked by the Arab conquest . 4. The literary frame of the Dreams is inherited from a Second Temple Jewish legend of the Jannes and Jambres cycle, where the protagonists were an unnamed Pharaoh and Jambres (under his Aramaic name mmr’), and which was dealing with a terrifying dream of the Pharaoh and its interpretation by Jambres. 5. In the Dreams of Shahaisha, the anonymous Pharaoh became the anonymous Shahanshah, whereas Jambres preserved his name in an almost unaltered form as Mamer (or, probably, *Mamerā, with further lost of the ending in Slavonic). Egypt as the place of action and the empire whose future is predicted was changed to Iran. 6. The Syriac archetype of the Dreams was produced with stuffing the ancient Jewish literary frame with different locally available sources and, most probably, some original creative production as well. 7. Some of the local sources belonged to internationally widespread folktale motives (as Veselovsky has shown for the dream Nr 5). 8. The most important sources were the written ones. One of them was a Middle Iranian legend about the serial dreams of an Indian king before the invasion of Alexander the Great into India (where Alexander was considered as one of the kings of Iran). A late avatar of this legend is preserved in the Shanameh as the story of the dreams of Kaid. This legend contributed to modify the Jewish literary frame (the unique dream was replaced with a series of dreams) and provided the contents and interpretations for, at least, two dreams, Nrs 3 and 7. 9. This Pahlavi legend had, in turn, an Indian (Buddhist or Jainist) prototype that provided to it, at least, the general frame and the contents for the same two dreams. In this legend, the king was the Indian king of Alexander’s epoch, Candragupta, the founder of the Maurya dynasty. 10. This Indian legend had, in turn, a Buddhist prototype in the Mahāsupina-Jātaka and/or similar legends concerning the dreams of the King Pasenajit .
Courts of Solomon, A Jewish Collection
"Courts of Solomon" is a collection of Jewish stories partially preserved in Aramaic (bG ...more▼
Aramaic (bGittin) but mostly unknown in any other language than Slavonic. Some details are discussed, especially those connected to a mysterious best called Kitovras.
Slavonic Texts of Hard Fate: the Prophecy of Solomon and Some Others
"Prophecy of Solomon" is a long medieval compilation known only in Slavonic but containi ...more▼
but containing some earlier material. Pace the authors of the recent critical edition and the Russian “consensus” (which consider the work as Russian genuine), I argue for the South Slavic origin of the translation from Greek. Some early (Jewish and Christian) sources of the compilation are considered and the problem of “Made in Russia” (Thomson) is addressed once more.
The Thessalonican Legend: Original Work in Slavonic or Translation from Syriac? A Quantitative Approach to Evaluation of the Likelihoods of the Alternative Hypotheses (in Russian)
The two hypotheses on the original language of the Thessalonican Legend are compared in ...more▼
a quantitative way using the procedures of Bayesian inductive logic. The ratio of likelihoods is calculated as that of fuzzy likelihoods using the apparatus of the theory of (intuitive) fuzzy sets. The method could be convenient in humanities for quantitative evaluation when the number of alternative hypotheses is reducible to two.
Slavonic Pseudepigrapha, Nubia, and the Syrians
A channel of a Syrian influence on the early Slavic literatures (responsible, among othe ...more▼
rs, for 2 Enoch) goes back to the Severianist Paulist faction of the Syrian “monophysitism”. 2 Enoch has been translated from Greek (shorter rec.) and, then, supplied via direct translation from a Syriac version of a lost Greek original (longer recension).
Why So Syrian? A Quantitative Bayesian Approach to the Perturbations of the Textual Flow in the Slavonic Recensions of the Pauline Epistles
Our conclusions will be limited to the topics discussed above at length, thus avoiding g ...more▼
oing deeper into historical interpretation. 1. Some “Oriental” impact on a very early recension of the Slavonic translation of the five Pauline epistles is demonstrated. 2. The quantitative evaluation of this conclusion was, in fact, an evaluation of its logical strength. It was not a necessary mean to derive it from the collected evidences. 3. The most natural interpretation of the previous conclusion (1) is that the Greek originals used for the Slavonic translation were those widespread outside the borders of the Byzantine Empire as they were established to the late seventh century (cf. above, fn. 66). 4. There are some traces of additional editing of the translations from Greek against some Syriac version(s), in the same manner as in roughly contemporaneous Melkite translations of the New Testament from Greek into Arabic. 5. The “Oriental” tradition involved was one of the Syrian ones. 6. Both I (“Ancient”) and II (“Preslav”) recensions share the above features that, therefore, are to go back to their common archetype, that is, an even more “ancient” recension. From time to time, I have permitted to myself occasional references to my earlier papers dedicated to the Syrian Melkite monothelete mission to the Slavs in the late seventh century to which I have attribute the beginning of the Slavic Christian writing, but such historical problems remained, in general, beyond the scope of the present paper. The quantitative method proposed in this paper is dedicated to comparison of two competing hypotheses concerning the textual flow of a highly contaminated tradition. The method has the following preconditions and limitations: 1. The total number of possible hypotheses must be previously reduced to two: that a specific source of contamination existed or not. 2. In the present (simplest) modification of the method, the hypothesis about the presence of a discussed source of contamination must additionally imply that this hypothetical source, if it actually existed, was the major source of contaminations of a specific kind (defined above as “perturbations”).
Армянское и сирийское население северной Македонии 8-9 веков
Тут впервые собраны все свидетельства об этом населении (в презентации -- ок. 90% собран ...more▼
обранного материала), откуда видно, что это был целый город Феодосиополь армянский (он же Карин и Эрзерум) с областью и значительная часть области Мелитины. Тогда так называемые “славянские” церкви Македонии, которые археологически датируются 8-10 вв., можно и должно атрибутировать этим сиро-армянам, т.к. архитектура у них исключительно сиро-армянская и отнюдь не византийская. В конце очень кратко про культ 15 мучеников в Струмице: их главная дата памяти 28 ноября и их главный епископ Феодор — это аватар Феодора Феодосиупольского, чья память 28 ноября. Вопрос о том, как же конкретно повлияли эти сиро-армяне на крещение Болгарии, тут не разбирается, т.к. целью было только показать, что был такой мощный бэкграунд, т.к. земли северной Македонии в конце 830-х гг. вошли в состав Болгарского царства. Легенда о 15 мучеников принадлежала этому самому бэкграунду. Климент Охридский попытался вписать ее в “кирилломефодиану” (это я так трактую альтернативную легенду, пересказанную в его каноне мученикам), но у него это не вышло, т.к. в Болгарии Кометопулов опять возник спрос на анти-Византию (но этот сюжет, связанный с культом упомянутого в Мученичестве 15-мучч. Германа, я тут не разбираю).
A MONOTHELETE SYRIAC COMPILATION OF PSEUDO-APOSTOLIC ACTS PRESERVED ONLY IN SLAVONIC AND THE ENTRANCE OF CONSTANS II INTO ROME IN 663
Biblical Apocrypha in South-Eastern Europe and Related Areas, 2021 An analysis of a lon ...more▼
compilation of Pseudo-Apostolic Acts preserved in the Slavonic translation from the lost Greek that, in turn, was a translation from the lost Syriac. This is a seventh-century monothelete document connected with the Syrian ecclesiastical expansion to Italia and, especially, Rome. In the part related to the Acts of Peter in Rome (otherwise unknown) important for the Roman church Santa Maria Antiqua and the Roman cult of the relics of St Stephanus. Some parts are important for different topics (Pseudo-Pseudo-Dionysian corpus, Pseudo-Hippolytus of Rome, an apocryphal gospel quoted in Epiphanius, the Syrian baptismal rites, the dossier of Pancratius of Tauromenium, legends reported in the Grail romances ascribed to Robert de Boron…)
Спасение из огня: «монофизитская» экзегеза 1 Кор. 3, 15 в славянском Изборнике XIII века (РНБ Q.p.I.18)
Сборник памяти Е.К. Ромодановской, Новосибирск, 2022 Salvation from Fire: A "Monophysit ...more▼
hysite” Exegesis of 1 Cor 3:15 in the Slavonic Izbornik (Miscellanea) of 13th cent. (ms RNL Q.p.I.18) Толкование на 1 Кор. 3, 15, содержащееся в рукописи РНБ Q.p.I.18 (XIII в.), принадлежит к редкой экзегетической традиции, созданной в самом начале VI в. в «монофизитской» среде и сохранившейся только у двух «монофизитских» авторов — Филоксена Маббугского и Прокопия Газского. Таким образом, толкование оказывается одним из звеньев, связывающих древнейшую славянскую письменность с «невизантийским» восточным христианством. This text in Slavonic follows a peculiar exegesis previously known from Philoxenus of Mabbog and Procopius of Gaza only.
Спасение из огня: «монофизитская» экзегеза 1 Кор. 3: 15 в славянском Изборнике XIII века (РНБ Q.p.I.18) [Salvation from the Fire: “Monophysite” Exegesis of 1 Cor 3:15 in the Slavonic 13th-century Izbornik (Miscellanea) (RNL Q.p.I.18)]
Источниковедение литературы и языка (археография, текстология, поэтика): сборник научных ...more▼
статей. Составители и ответственные редакторы Е. И. Дергачева-Скоп и В. В. Подопригора. Новосибирск: Государственная публичная научно-техническая библиотека СО РАН, 2022, сс. 125–147., 2022 The interpretation on 1 Cor 3:15 contained in the manuscript RNL, Q.p.I.18 (13th century) belongs to a rare exegetical tradition created at the very beginning of the 6th century in the “Monophysite” milieu and preserved only by two “Monophysite” authors – Philoxenus of Mabbug and Procopius of Gaza. Thus, interpretation turns out to be one of the links connecting the earliest Slavic writing with the “non-Byzantine” Eastern Christianity.